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- October 22, 1956POLITICSThe Negro Vote
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- Longtime Democrat Adam Clayton Powell Jr., a Harlem
- minister and one of three Negroes in the U.S. House of
- Representatives (the others: Chicago's William L. Dawson,
- Detroit's Charles C. Diggs Jr., both Democrats), skillfully
- cadged a cigarette from Presidential Press Secretary James
- Hagerty one afternoon last week, flecked a speck of dust from
- his faultlessly tailored flannels and turned to face the
- assembled White House reporters. He had just come from a
- conference with President Eisenhower, and he had something to
- report: this year he likes Ike.
-
- Powell bowed to Eisenhower's "greatest contribution" in the
- civil-rights field, but made it clear that one reason for his
- switch was that he was piqued with Adlai Stevenson for snubbing
- him. Most Republicans were aware that their convert is a vari-
- plumed politico who in the past has been found on the left,
- center and right of some issues. But three inescapable facts
- emerged from Powell's switch:
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- 1) Lightly as Negro intellectuals may regard Powell, he is a
- politician of indisputable influence. He has served six
- consecutive House terms, is pastor of one of Harlem's biggest
- churches (the Abyssinian Baptist, with 9,500 members), and,
- above all, has a demonstrated talent for bypassing the
- intellectuals and communicating directly with the Negro
- man-in-the street. 2) His ill-fated Powell Amendment to the
- school-construction bill (no federal money for segregated
- schools) and his battle for its adoption during the last
- session of Congress made the name of Powell a Negro household
- word. 3) Sensitive to the slightest change in the Negro
- political pulse, Adam Powell doubtless feels there is political
- mileage to be made in an early jump toward the G.O.P.
-
- Since Franklin Roosevelt's first re-election in 1936, the
- Negro vote has been one of the sturdiest links in the Democratic
- Party's often fragile chain of minority blocs. But as Powell
- well knows, the link is weakening under the abrasion of the
- civil-rights issue. In Baltimore, for instance, there are signs
- of a major shift in the big Negro vote -- 20% of the city's
- total. In 1952 it was Democratic almost 7-3; this year it may
- split evenly between the parties. Reason for the possible shift:
- Maryland's steady civil-rights progress under Republican
- Governor Theodore McKeldin. Ike's personally encouraged
- desegregation of public facilities in nearby Washington. Civil
- rights is also challenging the bread-and-butter issues for he
- Negro's political attention in such cities as St. Louis,
- Cleveland and San Francisco.
-
- But a 20-year habit is not broken easily, and for all the
- restiveness, most of the nation's estimated 3,500,000 Negro
- votes probably will go to Adlai Stevenson again this year. The
- 75% margin by which he won them in 1952, however, is now
- expected to be reduced to something like 60%-65%. In states
- where national or local races are close, e.g., Missouri,
- California, Michigan, Ohio, New York, such a pro-Republican
- shift could be all-important.
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